1、《休倫港宣言》

背景：1962年6月，45名新左派青年在密歇根州的休倫港機(jī)會(huì)，通過了一份長達(dá)62頁的《休倫港宣言》（Port Huron Statement），該宣言稱為“美國新左派的第一篇宣言”，那些學(xué)生大多來自“學(xué)生爭(zhēng)取民主社會(huì)組織”（Students for a Democratic Society, SDS）。

《休倫港宣言》Port Huron Statement

Introduction: Agenda for a Generation

????We are people of this generation, bred in at least modest comfort, housed now in universities, looking uncomfortably to the world we inherit. When we were kids the United States was the wealthiest and strongest country in the world; the only one ?with the atom bomb, the least scarred by modern war, an initiator of the United Nations that we thought would distribute Western influence throughout the world. Freedom and equality for each individual, government of ,by, and for the people--these American values we found god, principles by which we could live as men. Many of us began maturing in complacency. ?我們是當(dāng)代人，在至少是小康的環(huán)境中長大，目前住在大學(xué)校園里，正忐忑不安地注視著我們所繼承的世界。當(dāng)我們還是幼童時(shí)，美國是世界上最富裕、最強(qiáng)大的國家，當(dāng)時(shí)唯有它擁有原子彈，它最少受到現(xiàn)代戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的侵害，而且它是聯(lián)合國的發(fā)起國，我們認(rèn)為該組織將把西方的影響擴(kuò)散到全世界的一個(gè)發(fā)起國。人人自由平等，民有、民治、民享的政府，我們那時(shí)覺得這些美國價(jià)值觀念很好，是我們安身立命的原則。我們中許多人在自滿情緒中成長。

? ? As we grew, however, our comfort was penetrated by events too troubling to dismiss. First, the permeating and victimizing fact of human degradation, symbolized by the Southern struggle against racial bigotry, compelled most of us from silence to activism. ?Second, the enclosing fact of the Cold War, symbolized by the presence of the Bomb, brought awareness that we ourselves, and our friends, and millions of abstract "others" we knew more directly because of our common peril, might die at any time. We might deliberately ignore, or avoid, or fail to feel all other human problems, but not these two, for these were too immediate and crushing in their impact, too challenging in the demand that we as individuals take the responsibility for encounter and resolution. ?然而隨著年齡增長，我們的舒適安逸被一個(gè)又一個(gè)不能不令人焦慮的事件所打破。先是南方反種族偏見斗爭(zhēng)所昭示的無所不在、令人痛苦的人格貶黜的事實(shí)，迫使我們大多數(shù)人從沉默變?yōu)榉e極行動(dòng)。其次，由于原子彈的存在所象征的冷戰(zhàn)籠罩世界的事實(shí)，使我們意識(shí)到：我們自己、我們的朋友以及千百萬我們因共同的危險(xiǎn)更加了解的抽象的“其他人”隨時(shí)可能死去。對(duì)別的人類問題我們可以故意忽視、回避或麻木不仁，但這兩個(gè)問題則不然，因?yàn)樗鼈兊臎_擊太直接太猛烈，它們對(duì)我們提出的要求太富有挑戰(zhàn)性——要求我們每個(gè)人為沖突和問題的解決負(fù)起責(zé)任。

????While these and other problems either directly oppressed us or rankled our consciences and became our own subjective concern, we began to see complicated and disturbing paradoxes in our surrounding America. The declaration "all men are created equal..." rang hollow before the facts of Negro life in the South and the big cities of the North. The proclaimed peaceful intentions of the United States contradicted its economic and military investments in the Cold War status quo. ?當(dāng)這些和其他問題或直接壓在我們身上或折磨我們的良心，成為我們自己關(guān)切的事，我們也開始看到我們周圍的美國復(fù)雜而令人不安的自相矛盾現(xiàn)象。在南方及北方大城市中黑人生活的現(xiàn)實(shí)面前，“人人生而平等……”的宣言顯得何等虛偽。美國所宣傳的和平意圖與它在冷戰(zhàn)現(xiàn)狀中的經(jīng)濟(jì)和軍事投資互相抵觸。

????We witnessed, and continue to witness, other paradoxes. With nuclear energy whole cities can easily be powered, yet the dominant nation-states seem more likely to unleash destruction greater than that incurred in all wars of human history. Although our own technology is destroying old and creating new forms of social organization, men still tolerate meaningless work and idleness. While two-thirds of mankind suffers undernourishment, our own upper classes revel amidst superfluous abundance. Although world population is expected to double in forty years, the nations still tolerate anarchy as a major principle of international conduct and uncontrolled exploitation governs the sapping of the earth's physical resources. Although mankind desperately needs revolutionary leadership, America rests in national stalemate, its goals ambiguous and tradition-bound instead of informed and clear, its democratic system apathetic and manipulated rather than "of, by, and for the people." ? 我們已親眼目睹，而且將繼續(xù)看到其他自相矛盾的種種怪象。依靠核能很容易向一座座城市提供全部電力，然而那些占據(jù)支配地位的民族國家似乎更有可能發(fā)動(dòng)人類戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)史上規(guī)?？涨暗臍缧詰?zhàn)爭(zhēng)。雖然我們的技術(shù)正摧毀舊的社會(huì)組織形式，創(chuàng)造新的社會(huì)組織形式，人們?nèi)栽谌萑掏絼跓o功的工作和懶懶散散，無所事事。三分之二的人類正苦于營養(yǎng)不良，而我們自己的上流社會(huì)卻窮奢極欲，紙醉金迷。雖然世界人口預(yù)計(jì)在四十年后將增加一倍，各國仍聽任無政府主義成為國際行動(dòng)的一大原則，而不加節(jié)制的開采正耗盡地球的自然資源。雖然人類亟需革命的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)，美國卻安于國家的僵局。它的目標(biāo)模糊不清，模棱兩可，受傳統(tǒng)框架束縛。它的民主制度與其說是“民有，民治，民享”，還不如說是冷漠無情的，為權(quán)勢(shì)所操縱擺布。

????Not only did tarnish appear on our image of American virtue, not only did disillusion occur when the hypocrisy of American ideals was discovered, but we began to sense that what we had originally seen as the American Golden Age was actually the decline of an era. The world-wide outbreak of revolution against colonialism and imperialism, the entrenchment of totalitarian states, the menace of war, overpopulation, international disorder, super technology― these trends were testing the tenacity of our own commitment to democracy and freedom and our abilities to visualize their application to a world in upheaval. 不僅我們關(guān)于美國人美德的意象蒙上了污點(diǎn)，不僅因美國理想的虛偽性被揭穿引起幻想破滅，而且我們開始感到，原來我們心目中的美國黃金時(shí)代其實(shí)是一個(gè)時(shí)代的衰落。在世界范圍爆發(fā)的反對(duì)殖民主義和帝國主義的革命、極權(quán)主義國家的牢固確立、戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)威脅、人口膨脹、國際秩序混亂、超技術(shù)等等，這些趨勢(shì)正考驗(yàn)我們自己為民主和自由承擔(dān)義務(wù)的堅(jiān)韌性，考驗(yàn)我們?cè)谝粋€(gè)動(dòng)亂的世界實(shí)現(xiàn)民主和自由的能力。

? ??Our work is guided by the sense that we may be the last generation in the experiment with living. But we are a minority― the vast majority of our people regard the temporary equilibriums of our society and world as eternally functional parts. In this is perhaps the outstanding paradox: we ourselves are imbued with urgency, yet the message of our society is that there is no viable alternative to the present. Beneath the reassuring tones of the politicians, beneath the common opinion that America will "muddle through," beneath the stagnation of those who have closed their minds to the future, is the pervading feeling that there simply are no alternatives, that our times have witnessed the exhaustion not only of Utopias, but of any new departures as well.?

????Feeling the press of complexity upon the emptiness of life, people are fearful of the thought that at any moment things might be thrust out of control. They fear change itself, since change might smash whatever invisible framework seems to hold back chaos for them now. For most Americans, all crusades are suspect, threatening. The fact that each individual sees apathy in his fellows perpetuates the common reluctance to organize for change. The dominant institutions are complex enough to blunt the minds of their potential critics, and entrenched enough to swiftly dissipate or entirely repel the energies of protest and reform, thus limiting human expectancies. Then, too, we are a materially improved society, and by our own improvements we seem to have weakened the case for further change.?

????Some would have us believe that Americans feel contentment amidst prosperity― but might it not better be called a glaze above deeply felt anxieties about their role in the new world? And if these anxieties produce a developed indifference to human affairs, do they not as well produce a yearning to believe there is an alternative to the present, that something can be done to change circumstances in the school, the workplaces, the bureaucracies, the government? It is to this latter yearning, at once the spark and engine of change, that we direct our present appeal. The search for truly democratic alternatives to the present, and a commitment to social experimentation with them, is a worthy and fulfilling human enterprise, one which moves us and, we hope, others today. On such a basis do we offer this document of our convictions and analysis: as an effort in understanding and changing the conditions of humanity in the late twentieth century, an effort rooted in the ancient, still unfulfilled conception of man attaining determining influence over his circumstances of life. 有些人希望我們相信，美國人在繁榮昌盛中感到心滿意足，把這稱為他們對(duì)自己在新的世界中的作用內(nèi)心深處的憂慮外表涂上的一層釉彩豈不更好？如果說這種焦慮造成對(duì)人類事務(wù)更不關(guān)心的冷漠態(tài)度，難道它不也會(huì)引起對(duì)以下信念的渴求，現(xiàn)狀有可代替的東西，人們能夠采取行動(dòng)以改變學(xué)校、工廠、官僚體制和政府的狀況？這種渴求既是變革的導(dǎo)火線，又是變革的動(dòng)力，我們正是向人們的這種渴求發(fā)出呼吁。為現(xiàn)狀尋求真正民主的替代物，承擔(dān)對(duì)它們進(jìn)行社會(huì)實(shí)驗(yàn)的義務(wù)，是有價(jià)值、能充分發(fā)揮才能的人類事業(yè)，這項(xiàng)事業(yè)今天推動(dòng)我們前進(jìn)，我們也希望它推動(dòng)別人前進(jìn)。正是在此基礎(chǔ)上，我們提出這份關(guān)于我們的信念和分析的文件。作為二十世紀(jì)后期理解和改變?nèi)祟悹顩r的一種努力，它植根于這樣一個(gè)古老的、至今尚未實(shí)現(xiàn)的設(shè)想——人獲得左右自己生活環(huán)境的力量。

2、內(nèi)在批判

? ? SDS的前任主席卡爾·奧格爾斯的總結(jié)：革命的基本動(dòng)機(jī)不是建設(shè)一個(gè)天堂，而是破壞一個(gè)地獄。革命者對(duì)于未來想要什么這個(gè)問題的回答是：不要現(xiàn)在已有的東西！不幸的是，對(duì)于新左派的最合適的定義，即對(duì)它所具有的結(jié)構(gòu)和它的組織以及領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人的定義，都是從否定性的角度來論述的，至少在一切已發(fā)生的運(yùn)動(dòng)中，我們知道新左派反對(duì)什么，拒絕什么，但是沒有一個(gè)人知道它要什么。