Humanistic Idea of a Micro-Districtin the XX Century
二十世紀(jì)微區(qū)的人文理念
Irina G. Fedchenko*? ?Siberian Federal University
伊麗娜·G·費(fèi)德琴科*? ? 西伯利亞聯(lián)邦大學(xué)
The article presents a retrospective view on the development of a ‘micro-district’ social-planning conception in the XX century. Comprehension of humanistic ideas of Soviet society about residential environment at different stages of development is given a special focus. Rate of science branches development influencing residential environment formation has been growing since the middle of the XX century. Combination of ethic, scientific, political and legal discussions about urbanization influence on the environment, scientific achievements in philosophy, sociology, ecology as well as modern population’s informative and intellectual awareness growth result in search for a micro-district improvement adapt to modern conditions of an individual’s existence in urbanization environment. Russian and foreign scholars have come to the conclusion that a person’s modern habitat must develop within the limits of a deep “interdisciplinary” approach with the purpose of its persistent perfection. Philosophic understanding of a micro-district as a residential place determines social importance of future micro-districts design and existing micro-districts reconstruction. The article provides theoretical grounds for the tendencies of residential environment transformation by the beginning of the XXI century.
本文回顧了XX世紀(jì)“微區(qū)”社會規(guī)劃概念的發(fā)展。特別強(qiáng)調(diào)對蘇聯(lián)社會不同發(fā)展階段居住環(huán)境人文思想的理解。自二十世紀(jì)中葉以來，影響居住環(huán)境形成的科學(xué)分支的發(fā)展速度一直在增長。關(guān)于城市化對環(huán)境影響的倫理、科學(xué)、政治和法律討論，哲學(xué)、社會學(xué)的科學(xué)成果，生態(tài)學(xué)以及現(xiàn)代人口的信息和智力意識的增長導(dǎo)致了人們在城市化環(huán)境中尋求一種適應(yīng)現(xiàn)代個體生存條件的微觀區(qū)域改善。俄羅斯和外國學(xué)者得出的結(jié)論是，一個人的現(xiàn)代棲息地必須在深度“跨學(xué)科”方法的范圍內(nèi)發(fā)展，以期不斷完善。對作為居住場所的微區(qū)的哲學(xué)理解決定了未來微區(qū)設(shè)計(jì)和現(xiàn)有微區(qū)重建的社會重要性。本文為21世紀(jì)初的居住環(huán)境變革趨勢提供了理論依據(jù)。
Keywords: urbanization, micro-district, residential environment, humanism, community, need, availability.
Point
The majority of Russian population’s dissatisfaction with their residential environment at the beginning of the XXI century proves that the problem of residential environment humaneness is severely impeding the country, society and an individual’s development and that its solution has been pushed into a set of the state’s priority tasks1. Being regarded as the world-outlook based on philanthropy and an individual’s self-respect, humanism is connected with a wide range of human activities. One of humaneness maintenance conditions in the society is formation of moraland- ethic forms of existence. The concept of residential environment humaneness changes simultaneously with the society development, thus reflecting the state’s policy, the society’s level of economic development, social processes (Kuvakin, 2002).
21世紀(jì)初，大多數(shù)俄羅斯人口對其居住環(huán)境的不滿證明，居住環(huán)境人性化問題嚴(yán)重阻礙了國家、社會和個人的發(fā)展，其解決方案已被推到國家的一系列優(yōu)先任務(wù)1中。人文主義被視為以慈善事業(yè)和個人自尊為基礎(chǔ)的世界觀，它與廣泛的人類活動相聯(lián)系。道德倫理存在形態(tài)的形成是社會人性維系的條件之一。居住環(huán)境人性化的概念隨著社會發(fā)展而變化，從而反映了國家政策、社會經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展水平和社會進(jìn)程（Kuvakin，2002）。
The cities’ growth, worsening of the housing problem in the XX century resulted in search for the principles of the population’s comfortable housing environment. Both socially important?problems such as the problem of cheap houses for the working class meeting sanitary and hygienic comfort requirements and the problems of residential environment’s functional, rational, technical, esthetic, economic and ecological tasks solution were faced (Krainyaya, 2009, Kiyanenko, 2009).
In this regard the experience of transformation of humanistic ideas of residential territories planning in Russian urban design applied to form future development strategies is of great interest. The object of this research is a micro-district as an established principle of residential territories formation in Russian urban design.
二十世紀(jì)城市的發(fā)展、住房問題的惡化導(dǎo)致了人們對舒適住房環(huán)境原則的探索。面臨著重要的社會問題，如滿足衛(wèi)生和衛(wèi)生舒適要求的工人階級廉價住房問題，以及居住環(huán)境功能、合理、技術(shù)、美學(xué)、經(jīng)濟(jì)和生態(tài)任務(wù)解決方案問題（Krainyaya，2009年，Kiyanenko，2009年）。
在這方面，將俄羅斯城市設(shè)計(jì)中人文主義居住區(qū)規(guī)劃理念的轉(zhuǎn)變經(jīng)驗(yàn)應(yīng)用于未來發(fā)展戰(zhàn)略的形成是非常有意義的。本研究的對象是作為俄羅斯城市設(shè)計(jì)中已確立的居住區(qū)形成原則的微型區(qū)。
Example
At the beginning of the XX century, a period of urbanization process development in the USSR, the problem of safe and comfortable urban life organization was urgent. The goal of urbanization was heavy engineering construction that was carried out at the cost of the population’s living standards decline. Temporary “barracks settlements” with the population up to hundreds thousands people quickly grew around factories. Their existence period extended over decades. The housing problem was defined by urban population’s growth accompanied by “strained” living standards and the objective of consecutive improvement of residential conditions for working people. Cities’ old districts were the system of private houses and grounds with household effects with such a density when the population was deprived of recreation places, non-ventilated yards appeared, and residential areas lacked light and air. The solution of housing and social as well as socially important everyday problems was also urgent (Meyerovich, 2009). The idea of humane residential environment at that period was close to the idea of “survival” – that is the population’s deliverance from insanitary urban residential conditions for working people.
二十世紀(jì)初，蘇聯(lián)城市化進(jìn)程發(fā)展的一個時期，安全舒適的城市生活組織問題迫在眉睫。城市化的目標(biāo)是以人民生活水平下降為代價的大規(guī)模工程建設(shè)。臨時“軍營定居點(diǎn)”的人口高達(dá)數(shù)十萬，在工廠周圍迅速增長。他們的生存期延長了幾十年。住房問題的定義是城市人口的增長伴隨著“緊張”的生活水平和不斷改善勞動人口居住條件的目標(biāo)。城市的舊區(qū)是私人住宅和具有家庭效應(yīng)的場地的系統(tǒng)，當(dāng)人口被剝奪了娛樂場所，出現(xiàn)了不通風(fēng)的庭院，住宅區(qū)缺乏光線和空氣時，其密度如此之大。解決住房和社會問題以及對社會具有重要意義的日常問題也是當(dāng)務(wù)之急（Meyerovich，2009年）。在那個時期，人性化居住環(huán)境的理念與“生存”的理念非常接近——即人們從不衛(wèi)生的城市居住條件中解放出來，為勞動人民服務(wù)。
Prehistory of a “residential” quarter formation in Krasnoyarsk started in 1929 when they considered the issue of well-appointed houses for the working class, the so called “a stone quarter”, destined to replace existing wooden constructions with stone ones. The adopted resolution stated that “burning housing crisis (especially in working class districts) forcing to build private houses that do not meet hygienic and everyday life requirements is one of the reasons of private property development, overgrowth and nonplanning that lead to ignorance, disorganization and narrow-mindedness but not to the working class’s cultural upbringing and organisation”2. A set of measures was suggested for the quickest implementation of a stone quarter building issue into practice. These were “working class involvement into building the houses by means of monetary funding into the a stone quarter building” and leading explanatory discussions “among the working class on the importance of building stone quarters for the working class that switch from narrow-mindedness and private property to cultural upbringing and organisation of people and to women’s emancipation from cooking and old mode of life” (Tsarev, Krushlinsky, 2001). The idea of culture and everyday life organization in the cities changed radically. That led to a historical quarter extension due to the inclusion of social and everyday service objects. The whole vital activity process (an individual’s everyday life, labour, rest) became common. Humanism meant the unity of an individual and the society on the way to maximum satisfaction of their demands. Desire for everyday life “socialization” manifested itself in kids’ co-upbringing in the society, public catering and combination of an individual part of the house with common premises. These had to satisfy personal everyday life needs and lead to the society members’ harmonious physical and intellectual development. Thus, new functions and objects non-peculiar to a quarter structure?such as educational, public catering, trade and public space institutions, sports areas and quarter kindergartens were introduced to extended city quarters.
克拉斯諾亞爾斯克“住宅區(qū)”形成的史前歷史始于1929年，當(dāng)時他們考慮了工人階級的設(shè)施完善的房屋問題，即所謂的“石頭區(qū)”，目的是用石頭取代現(xiàn)有的木制建筑。通過的決議指出，“燃燒的住房危機(jī)（特別是在工人階級地區(qū)）強(qiáng)迫建造不符合衛(wèi)生和日常生活要求的私人住宅是私人房地產(chǎn)開發(fā)、過度增長和無計(jì)劃的原因之一，這會導(dǎo)致無知、無組織和狹隘，但不會影響工人階級的文化教養(yǎng)和組織”2。有人提出了一套措施，以便最快地將石頭建筑問題付諸實(shí)施。這些都是“工人階級通過貨幣資金的方式參與到一棟四分之一石樓的建造中”，并引導(dǎo)了解釋性的討論“在工人階級中，關(guān)于為工人階級建造石頭宿舍的重要性，工人階級從狹隘的思想和私有財(cái)產(chǎn)轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)槲幕逃徒M織，婦女從烹飪和舊的生活方式中解放出來”（Tsarev，Krushlinsky，2001年）.城市中的文化和日常生活組織觀念發(fā)生了根本性的變化。由于社會和日常服務(wù)對象的加入，這導(dǎo)致了歷史性的季度擴(kuò)張。整個重要活動過程（個人的日常生活、勞動、休息）人道主義意味著個人和社會在最大限度地滿足其需求的道路上的團(tuán)結(jié)。對日常生活的渴望“社會化”表現(xiàn)在兒童在社會中的共同撫養(yǎng)、公共餐飲以及房屋的單個部分與公共場所的結(jié)合。這些都必須滿足個人的日常生活需要，并導(dǎo)致社會成員身體和智力的和諧發(fā)展。因此，非四分之一結(jié)構(gòu)所特有的新功能和對象教育、公共餐飲、商業(yè)和公共空間機(jī)構(gòu)、運(yùn)動區(qū)和社區(qū)幼兒園等可再生能源被引入擴(kuò)展的城市社區(qū)。
Little by little the issue of people’s private and social life planning organization turned up in an extended quarter conception. The search for functional content of a planning unit nucleus and its main constituents began. A.M. Mostakov (1936) differentiates “public space” into “interdistrict” and “intradistrict” ones in which a public centre formed a space between residential quarters with schools’ physical training areas, canteens, active recreational areas and preschool institutions and passive recreational areas inside residential quarters3. It became obvious that it is impossible to efficiently organize a welldeveloped system of public everyday services in an extended quarter. As for perimeter building, it can’t provide a favourable orientation of all the flats regarding sun exposure and noise (Fig. 1).
漸漸地，人們的私人和社會生活規(guī)劃組織的問題在一個擴(kuò)展的概念中出現(xiàn)了。開始尋找規(guī)劃單位核心及其主要組成部分的功能內(nèi)容。A.M.Mostakov（1936年）將“公共空間”分為“區(qū)際”和“區(qū)內(nèi)”兩類，其中公共中心形成了住宅區(qū)與學(xué)校體育訓(xùn)練區(qū)、食堂、活動休閑區(qū)和學(xué)前機(jī)構(gòu)之間的空間，以及住宅區(qū)內(nèi)的被動休閑區(qū)3。顯而易見，要在一個較長的季度內(nèi)有效地組織一個完善的公共日常服務(wù)系統(tǒng)是不可能的。至于周邊建筑，它不能提供一個有利的方向，所有單位的陽光照射和噪音（圖1）。
“Micro-district” planning conception was implemented as an alternative to a “quarter”?structure of an industrial city. Professional community started their creative search for optimum volume-planning solutions improving the level of cultural and consumer services for the population. “They ran the experiments from simple schemes of a micro-district theoretical pattern implementation to design of residential territories full-value plannings which were improved in accordance with the society’s scientific and technical and economical development”4 (Kukina, 2006) (Fig. 2).
“微區(qū)”規(guī)劃概念是作為工業(yè)城市“四分之一”結(jié)構(gòu)的替代方案而實(shí)施的。專業(yè)團(tuán)體開始創(chuàng)造性地尋找最佳的容量規(guī)劃解決方案，以提高人口的文化和消費(fèi)服務(wù)水平?！?b>他們進(jìn)行了從微型區(qū)域理論模式實(shí)施的簡單方案到住宅區(qū)全價值規(guī)劃設(shè)計(jì)的實(shí)驗(yàn)，這些規(guī)劃根據(jù)社會的科學(xué)技術(shù)和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展進(jìn)行了改進(jìn)”4（Kukina，2006年）（圖2）。
After the Great Patriotic War it was vital to provide a high percentage of the population with individual flats in the shortest period of time. So, the concept “demand” became the main one. At that time the humaneness of the environment was understood as equality in demand satisfaction and reduction of “waiting for one’s own flat effect”. They began searching for more efficient residential formation in urban construction satisfying the population’s demands in guaranteed socially important objects within physically accessible boundaries. In the 1950-s?there followed an original hailstorm of partyand- state resolutions and meetings devoted to residential environment problem (“On further industrialization, quality improvement and building cost reduction measures” dated August 23, 1955; “On elimination of design and building extravagances” resolution dated November 4, 1955; “On residential building development in the USSR” resolution dated July 31, 1956; the third All-Russia builders’ meeting in April, 1958, Khrushchev’s speech on the necessity to speed up reorganization in architecture). The key moment in micro-districts planning was unification and standardization of residential environment design process. Khan-Magometov in his article “Khrushchev’s utilitarianism: pluses and minuses” mentions that Khrushchev’s methods in design and building spheres drew a wide response and led to many positive results including fundamental ones and helped to solve many housing problems. “Khrushchev tried and managed to stop sliding down to abyss under the conditions of a growing housing crisis. That was one of a few social problems that party-and-state structure of the Soviet power period not only declared in its resolutions but managed to achieve positive results. From the end of the 1950-s a continued increase in the number of houses that were being built began. Initially the decline of residential areas standards was?stopped, and then their growth began” (Khan- Magomedov, 2005: 25). In the 1960-s public building of economical houses started. The search for the reserves to cut off the cost of one square meter of a residential area to its cost in the houses with a room settlement inevitably led to a lesser residential comfort (the storey height became lower, thorough-passage rooms appeared, bathroom units included a toilet, sizes of subsidiary premises became smaller). Moreover, the citizens stopped being their residential environment creators, industry system was totally isolated from the future residents depriving them of any possibility to participate in planning-and-building process or influence its results, thus turning an individual into an uncomplaining, passive “consumer”. Industrial lodging didn’t answer to the inhabitants’ diversification, their demands, mode of life, cultural standards and forced to accommodate to this discrepancy at the cost of serious social and psychological side-effects. According to Yu.L. Kosenkova’s research, letters to architects and government were one of the means to become aware of the population’s opinion during the period of heated discussions about an industrial method. For the Soviet urban design that was one of rare cases of “the reverse relationship” with the population. Lively voices of millions of people were not heard, as a rule. It was the state that formed a social order and?decided what the population needed and what they could do without. The discussed issues worried all the social layers from housewives to higher education institutions’ lecturers and professors. The letters displayed ordinary everyday common sense that made the authors of the letters be on alert regarding a new housing policy introduced by the government. “Common feeling running through the letters, that is false technical-and-economic criteria in the base of a new house model, was actually far away from the advanced “conveniences for an individual” slogan, and it will cause new problems in the nearest future”5 (Fig. 3).
偉大的衛(wèi)國戰(zhàn)爭結(jié)束后，在最短的時間內(nèi)為高比例的人口提供獨(dú)立的住房至關(guān)重要。因此，“需求”成為主要概念。當(dāng)時，環(huán)境的人性化被理解為需求滿足的平等和“等待自己的扁平化效應(yīng)”的減少。他們開始在城市建設(shè)中尋找更有效的住宅形式，以滿足人口對在物理可及邊界內(nèi)有社會保障的重要對象的需求。20世紀(jì)50年代，針對居住環(huán)境問題的黨和國家決議和會議（1955年8月23日的“關(guān)于進(jìn)一步工業(yè)化、提高質(zhì)量和降低建筑成本的措施”和1955年11月4日的“關(guān)于消除設(shè)計(jì)和建筑浪費(fèi)”的決議）；1956年7月31日的“關(guān)于蘇聯(lián)住宅建筑發(fā)展”決議；1958年4月的第三次全俄建筑商會議，赫魯曉夫關(guān)于加快建筑重組必要性的講話）微觀區(qū)域規(guī)劃的關(guān)鍵時刻是居住環(huán)境設(shè)計(jì)過程的統(tǒng)一和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化。Khan Magometov在他的文章《赫魯曉夫的功利主義：優(yōu)缺點(diǎn)》中寫道提到赫魯曉夫在設(shè)計(jì)和建筑領(lǐng)域的方法引起了廣泛的反響，并導(dǎo)致了許多積極的結(jié)果，包括基本的結(jié)果，并幫助解決了許多住房問題?！昂蒸敃苑蛟噲D并成功地阻止在日益嚴(yán)重的住房危機(jī)的情況下滑向深淵。這是蘇維埃政權(quán)時期的黨和國家結(jié)構(gòu)不僅在其決議中宣布的少數(shù)社會問題之一，而且成功地取得了積極成果。從1950年代末開始，在f開始建造房屋。最初住宅區(qū)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的下降被停止，然后開始增長”（Khan-Magomedov，2005:25）20世紀(jì)60年代，經(jīng)濟(jì)適用房的公共建筑開始了。尋找儲備，以將一平方米住宅區(qū)的成本降低到一套住房的成本中，不可避免地導(dǎo)致居住舒適度降低（層高變低，出現(xiàn)了完整的通道室，浴室單元包括一個衛(wèi)生間，附屬廠房的尺寸變?。┐送?，市民不再是他們居住環(huán)境的創(chuàng)造者，工業(yè)系統(tǒng)與未來的居民完全隔離，剝奪了他們參與規(guī)劃和建設(shè)過程或影響其結(jié)果的任何可能性，從而使個人成為一個毫無怨言、被動的“消費(fèi)者”.工業(yè)住宿不能滿足居民的多樣化、需求、生活方式、文化標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，不得不以嚴(yán)重的社會和心理副作用為代價來適應(yīng)這種差異。根據(jù)Yu.L.Kosenkova的研究，給建筑師和政府的信是了解這種差異的一種手段在關(guān)于工業(yè)方法的激烈討論期間，公眾的意見。對于蘇聯(lián)城市設(shè)計(jì)來說，這是“反向關(guān)系”的罕見案例之一與人口有關(guān)。通常，數(shù)百萬人的生動聲音沒有被聽到。是國家形成了社會秩序，決定了人口需要什么，他們可以做什么。討論的問題讓從家庭主婦到高等教育機(jī)構(gòu)的講師和教授等社會各階層都感到擔(dān)憂。信件顯示d普通的日常常識，使信件的作者對政府推出的新住房政策保持警惕?！?b>信件中貫穿的常識，即新住房模型基礎(chǔ)上的虛假技術(shù)和經(jīng)濟(jì)標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，實(shí)際上與先進(jìn)的“個人便利”相去甚遠(yuǎn)?！笨谔?，它將在不久的將來引發(fā)新的問題”5（圖3）。
Industrialization epoch is the time of system-and-structural, hierarchical and standardized models of society and culture supremacy when a public consumer was taken into account. Practical tasks of communism formation formulated in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Programme defined social demands and Soviet urban design orientation. The society, demographically presented as “the population”, was dismembered into the groups with supposedly similar housing demands. The society was seen as a clear typological society organization. As a result, this model led to meeting the construction industry’s requirements and their dominance over an individual’s interests and society’s humanistic interests (Kiyanenko, 2009). The ideas of residential environment humaneness were “verified” and “studied” in numerical indices. Residential environment of industrialization epoch didn’t reflect a phenomenological essence of a “humane” space that springs up from a definite situation: place-and-time, society and an individual’s isolation. The reasons of psychological discomfort consisted in breach of stable ties of a micro-district’s “inner” nature with a spatial system of a site development. Besides, in micro-districts formation practice most types of services are not connected with active social contacts (except rare cases of kids’ “social” upbringing). Humanism became a “physically” needed quality and manifested itself in the desire for residential environment humanization, making it more individual and focused on individuals’ participation in its formation (Fig. 3а).
工業(yè)化時代是一個考慮到公共消費(fèi)者的社會和文化霸權(quán)的系統(tǒng)和結(jié)構(gòu)、等級和標(biāo)準(zhǔn)化模式的時代?！短K聯(lián)共產(chǎn)黨綱領(lǐng)》中制定的共產(chǎn)主義形成的實(shí)際任務(wù)確定了社會需求和蘇聯(lián)城市設(shè)計(jì)方向。在人口統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)上被稱為“人口”的社會，被分割成了具有類似住房需求的群體。該協(xié)會被視為一個類型明確的社會組織。因此，這種模式滿足了建筑業(yè)的要求，并使其在個人利益和社會人文利益上占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位（Kiyanenko，2009年）。居住環(huán)境人性化的理念在數(shù)值指標(biāo)中得到了“驗(yàn)證”和“研究”。工業(yè)化時代的居住環(huán)境并沒有反映出一個“人文”空間的現(xiàn)象學(xué)本質(zhì)，這個“人文”空間是從一個特定的情境中產(chǎn)生的：地點(diǎn)和時間、社會和個人的孤立。心理不適的原因在于破壞了微區(qū)“內(nèi)部”性質(zhì)與場地開發(fā)空間系統(tǒng)的穩(wěn)定聯(lián)系。此外，在微區(qū)形成實(shí)踐中，大多數(shù)類型的服務(wù)與積極的社會接觸無關(guān)（除了少數(shù)兒童“社會”撫養(yǎng)的案例）。人文主義成為一種“身體上”需要的品質(zhì)，表現(xiàn)在對居住環(huán)境人性化的渴望中，使其更加個性化，注重個人參與其形成（圖3аa(bǔ)）。
The principle of vital activity formation based on tough functional division of a city territory?into zones and on a stage system of service that was criticized by professional architects in the 60-s already. The system of a three-stage service was criticized for its inability to “programme” an individual’s behavioral aspect. Numerous research at the beginning of the 70-s proved that the population used on-the-way-home or on-theway- to-work services more willingly. That’s why transit junctions and public transport stops at the places of work more often determined the choice of sites for large trade and public structures. Speaking about a tough “everyday life – work – leisure” doctrine, the critics observed that in reality a city serves a single material-and-spatial environment in which complex industrial, cultural and everyday processes take place. Due to them people of different social and demographical strata are involved in various relations, in life of various groups and communities and do not isolate in one territory or a city’s functional zone. “The minimalist approach and a three-stage service in micro-districts at the end of the 50- 70-s of the ХХ century resulted in a spontaneous formation of both social-business-trade and suburban logistic territories on open territories” (Kukina, 2005)6 (Fig. 4).
生命活動形成的原則基于城市區(qū)域的嚴(yán)格功能劃分和服務(wù)的舞臺系統(tǒng)，這在60年代已經(jīng)受到專業(yè)建筑師的批評。三階段服務(wù)體系因無法“規(guī)劃”個人行為方面而受到批評。70年代初的大量研究證明，人們更愿意在回家或上班的路上使用服務(wù)。這就是為什么公交樞紐和公共交通?？奎c(diǎn)往往決定大型貿(mào)易和公共建筑選址的原因。在談到強(qiáng)硬的“日常生活-工作-休閑”原則時，批評家們觀察到，事實(shí)上，一座城市服務(wù)于單一的物質(zhì)和空間環(huán)境，在這種環(huán)境中，復(fù)雜的工業(yè)、文化和日常過程都會發(fā)生。因此，不同社會和人口階層的人參與各種關(guān)系，參與各種群體和社區(qū)的生活，而不是孤立于一個地區(qū)或一個城市的功能區(qū)。“20世紀(jì)50-70年代末，微區(qū)的極簡主義方法和三階段服務(wù)導(dǎo)致在開放區(qū)域自發(fā)形成社會商業(yè)貿(mào)易和郊區(qū)物流區(qū)域”（Kukina，2005）6（圖4）。
At the end of the 1970-80-s the growth of construction industry capacities intensified again in Soviet architecture. A significant increase in the number of storeys led to the loss of a ‘human” scale, space-and-meaningful residential environment structures destruction. The architectural science was undoubtedly conscious of the problem of house building aggressiveness with its monochromatic and monotonous nature and the problem of social contacts but nothing was overcome in practice. A special attention was given to improvement of industrial habitation typification methodology and planning composition of residential environment. The idea of a micro-district gave rise to the criticism against social life imperfection, inability to reflect the complexity of social, economic and technical problems causing unsatisfactory sanitary and hygienic conditions, transport difficulties, substantial waste of time, people’s dissociation at extraordinary dull site development.
20世紀(jì)70-80年代末，蘇聯(lián)建筑業(yè)的建筑業(yè)產(chǎn)能增長再次加劇。樓層數(shù)量的顯著增加導(dǎo)致“人類”規(guī)模的喪失、空間和有意義的居住環(huán)境結(jié)構(gòu)的破壞。毫無疑問，建筑科學(xué)意識到房屋建筑的單色性和單調(diào)性以及社會交往的問題，但在實(shí)踐中什么都沒有克服。特別關(guān)注工業(yè)居住類型化方法的改進(jìn)和居住環(huán)境的規(guī)劃構(gòu)成。微型區(qū)的概念引起了對社會生活不完善、無法反映社會、經(jīng)濟(jì)和技術(shù)問題的復(fù)雜性的批評，這些問題導(dǎo)致衛(wèi)生和衛(wèi)生條件不理想、交通困難、大量浪費(fèi)時間、人們在非常單調(diào)的場地開發(fā)中離群索居。
Humane residential space is not only a comfortable residential cell. Residential environment is regarded as an outward, supplementary part of a habitat including the territory near the house and public gardens, streets, lanes, yards where people’s everyday and recreational demands are satisfied?(Krasheninnikov,1988; Anisimova,2002; Krainyaya,2009). Throughout the decades a yard territory had been an integral part of a habitat where an individual’s everyday life and leisure flourished. Industry development resulted in the fact that a yard gradually lost its original predestination and turned into a transit between a public transport stop and a private flat. A yard elimination is connected with side-effects in life organization, causing a set of severe social-andpsychological consequences for a subsequent generation. Vast and amorphous territories inside a residential area belong to all the houses and to none of them at the same time. A person’s consciousness is unable to visually identify any part of this merely non-differentiated inactive territory with his own place of residence. As a result such areas remain no man’s and undeveloped areas and provoke vandalism. Moreover, such planning organization of a habitat often turns into thriftless use of precious city areas. It doesn’t form a person’s constant affection towards a definite place where he lives, where he was born and brought up (especially it concerns a person starting his life) (Pozdniakova, 2010). (Fig. 5)
人性化的居住空間不僅僅是一個舒適的居住單元。居住環(huán)境被視為棲息地的外部補(bǔ)充部分，包括住宅和公共花園、街道、小巷、庭院附近滿足人們?nèi)粘：蛫蕵沸枨蟮膮^(qū)域（Krashenininkov，1988年；Anisimova，2002年；Krainyaya，2009年）。在過去的幾十年里，庭院一直是個人日常生活和休閑繁榮的棲息地的組成部分。工業(yè)的發(fā)展導(dǎo)致了這樣一個事實(shí)：一個院子逐漸失去了它最初的預(yù)定，變成了公共交通站和私人公寓之間的交通工具。一個院子的消除與生活組織中的副作用有關(guān)，對下一代造成一系列嚴(yán)重的社會和心理后果。居住區(qū)內(nèi)廣闊而無定形的區(qū)域?qū)儆谒械姆课?，而不同時屬于任何一個房屋。一個人的意識無法從視覺上識別這個僅僅是無差別的靜止區(qū)域的任何部分和他自己的居住地。因此，這些地區(qū)仍然是無人區(qū)和未開發(fā)區(qū)，并引發(fā)破壞行為。此外，這樣的棲息地規(guī)劃組織往往會變成對寶貴城市區(qū)域的節(jié)儉使用。它不會形成一個人對他生活、出生和成長的特定地方的持續(xù)的情感（尤其是關(guān)于一個人開始他的生活）（Pozdniakova，2010）。（圖5）
“Starting from the middle of the 1980 many researchers formed alternative views on the residential environment development and the housing problem solution, focusing mainly on cultural diversities, the population’s mode of life, geographic, ethnographic and national peculiarities of this or that place”7 (Kukina, Pozdniakova, 2010). The necessity of a different “everyday life – work – recreation” triad interpretation is realized as a very serious matter since a tough linkage of life to the place of work as well as precise “structurization” of everyday life and recreation reveal their imperfection. The increase in conversion percentage of industrial?enterprises and “selectivity” towards work are observed. These result in substantial changes in the places of work structure. At the beginning and in the middle of the century “work” was mainly associated with industrial territories. Otherwise, by the end of the century the rate of the employees in the spheres of administration, service, science, recreation industry sharply grew in number. That involves the breach of working places proportions and consequently the population’s everyday inner migrations according to “working place – home” scheme. A micro-district connection with a working place turned out to be groundless, depriving a person of the right to choose. Urbanization is no more directly dependent on industrialization; scientific production, service, administration and cultural branches development is the most important source of large cities growth; a city’s multifunctionalism becomes its main feature. It is in the 1980-s when they started speaking about the necessity of the mechanisms that provide?harmonization of a city’s architecture and human expectations and preferences, cultural standards and values. The “environmental design” term had strengthened its positions. In Soviet architecture a public consumer’s consciousness was recognized as a real factor (studied non-thoroughly in many aspects) that had to be taken into account but not an object for manipulation (Krainyaya 2009).
“從1980年中期開始，許多研究人員就居住環(huán)境發(fā)展和住房問題解決方案形成了不同的觀點(diǎn)，主要關(guān)注文化多樣性、人口生活方式、地理、民族志和該地區(qū)的民族特色”7（Kukina，Pozdniakova，2010）。不同的“日常生活-工作-娛樂”三位一體解釋的必要性被認(rèn)為是一個非常嚴(yán)重的問題，因?yàn)樯钆c工作地點(diǎn)的緊密聯(lián)系以及日常生活和娛樂的精確“結(jié)構(gòu)化”暴露了它們的缺陷。工業(yè)企業(yè)的轉(zhuǎn)化率和對工作的“選擇性”有所增加。這導(dǎo)致工作場所結(jié)構(gòu)發(fā)生重大變化。在本世紀(jì)初和中期，“工作”主要與工業(yè)領(lǐng)域有關(guān)。除此之外，到本世紀(jì)末，行政、服務(wù)、科學(xué)、娛樂業(yè)等領(lǐng)域的雇員人數(shù)急劇增加。這涉及到違反工作場所比例，從而導(dǎo)致人口每天根據(jù)“工作場所-家庭”計(jì)劃進(jìn)行內(nèi)部遷移。事實(shí)證明，與工作場所的微區(qū)聯(lián)系是毫無根據(jù)的，剝奪了一個人的選擇權(quán)。城市化不再直接依賴工業(yè)化；科學(xué)的生產(chǎn)、服務(wù)、管理和文化部門發(fā)展是大城市增長的最重要源泉；城市的多功能性成為其主要特征。正是在20世紀(jì)80年代，他們開始談?wù)搮f(xié)調(diào)城市建筑、人類期望和偏好、文化標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和價值觀的機(jī)制的必要性?！碍h(huán)境設(shè)計(jì)”一詞加強(qiáng)了其地位。在蘇聯(lián)建筑中，公眾消費(fèi)者的意識被認(rèn)為是一個真正的因素（在許多方面未徹底研究），必須加以考慮，但不是操縱的對象（Krainyaya，2009）。
At present an interdisciplinary approach to a residential environment study is being formed in the urban design theory. A microdistrict is becoming an object for the research by sociologists, engineers, ecologists, economists, philosophers and other scientists. Ecologicaland- environmental approach to a micro-district design is gaining its force. The approach is based on a social identity restoration and biological identity preservation. Appeal to “real demands” and their variety is becoming urgent. Philosophic understanding of a residential space as the area for individuals’ existence raises social importance of a micro-district community. Residential?environment must be formed out of a definite programme of the residents’ behaviour, that is in accordance with social processes in it. Thus, combinations of the space boundaries depend on social stages of behaviour: a personal space (an owner’s territory) for independent “creative” self-realization development, physically closed but often visually looked through; private space (a group of owners’ space) as a space for communication with close people demand realization, a controlled and open one; public space (common space) as a space where an individual is a mass events participant involved in the community’s life (Iovlev, 2006). At present humanism is expressed in the desire to make a residential environment “social” by nature. Urban space forms must protect, give possibilities for self-expression, functional sufficiency of a space for each social group of the population as well as to facilitate contacts between them. In regard to the mentioned above, target and flexible design flourishes, that is civil building takes local peculiarities of a residential environment formation into account and promptly reacts to the changes that arise.
目前，城市設(shè)計(jì)理論正在形成一種跨學(xué)科的居住環(huán)境研究方法。微區(qū)正成為社會學(xué)家、工程師、生態(tài)學(xué)家、經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家、哲學(xué)家和其他科學(xué)家研究的對象。微區(qū)設(shè)計(jì)中的生態(tài)與環(huán)境方法正在獲得影響力。該方法基于社會身份恢復(fù)和生物身份保存。呼吁“真正的需求”及其多樣性變得越來越迫切。對居住空間作為個人生存區(qū)域的哲學(xué)理解提高了微型社區(qū)的社會重要性。居住環(huán)境必須形成于一個明確的居民行為方案中，即符合其中的社會過程。因此，空間邊界的組合取決于行為的社會階段：一個個人空間（所有者的領(lǐng)地），用于獨(dú)立的“創(chuàng)造性”自我實(shí)現(xiàn)發(fā)展，物理上是封閉的，但通常在視覺上是透明的；私人空間（一組業(yè)主空間）作為一個與親近的人溝通的空間需求實(shí)現(xiàn)，一個受控的、開放的空間；公共空間（公共空間），作為個人參與社區(qū)生活的群體活動參與者的空間（Iovlev，2006）。目前，人文主義表現(xiàn)為希望使居住環(huán)境自然地“社會化”。城市空間形式必須為每個社會群體的人口提供空間的保護(hù)、自我表達(dá)的可能性和功能充分性，并促進(jìn)他們之間的聯(lián)系。鑒于以上所述，目標(biāo)和靈活的設(shè)計(jì)蓬勃發(fā)展，即民用建筑考慮到住宅環(huán)境形成的地方特點(diǎn)，并對出現(xiàn)的變化作出迅速反應(yīng)。
Resume
Ideas of social meaning of a habitat and residential environment humanism were introduced to the projects of elementary residential units planning at various stages of architectural conception of a micro-district.?
在微區(qū)建筑概念的各個階段，將人居的社會意義和居住環(huán)境人文主義理念引入到基本居住單元規(guī)劃項(xiàng)目中。
At the beginning of the ХХ?century, a period of urbanization process, the problem of equipping a place of habitation with elementary sanitary and hygienic devices was acute. Understanding of humane environment was close to the conceptof “survival”, that is deliverance of the mankind from insanitary living conditions.
在城市化進(jìn)程的一個時期？？世紀(jì)初，為居住場所配備基本衛(wèi)生設(shè)備的問題十分突出。對人文環(huán)境的理解接近于“生存”的概念，即人類從不健康的生存狀態(tài)中解脫出來。
In the postwar period understanding of humane environment moved to the concept of “equality” in satisfaction of an individual’s private residential place demands. Equality and sameness of residential places and residential environment was mainly provided due to typification and industrialization of architectural and construction activity that replaced the “embellishment” of the cities characteristic to “Stalin’s empire style”. Industrialization development caused an opposite tendency – humanism became a “physically” needed quality that was expressed by the aspiration for a residential environment humanization and shaping its individual character.
在戰(zhàn)后時期，對人文環(huán)境的理解轉(zhuǎn)向了“平等”的概念，以滿足個人的私人居住場所需求。居住場所和居住環(huán)境的平等和相同主要是由于建筑和建筑活動的類型化和工業(yè)化，將城市特色的“裝飾”改為“斯大林帝國風(fēng)格”。工業(yè)化的發(fā)展導(dǎo)致了一種相反的趨勢——人文主義成為一種“身體上”需要的品質(zhì)，表現(xiàn)為對居住環(huán)境人性化和塑造其個性的渴望。
At present the main residential environment problems of large cities manifest themselves in certain functional inconveniences, psychological and ecological discomfort: in complicated use of house-side territories, in complexity of transport means movement and parking, in visual aggressiveness and pollution of the environment, in absence of social contacts. With this regard a micro-district must be considered “a living organism” with continuous development and perfection when every individual has the right to creativity, self-realization and protection. The experience of earlier-built micro-districts functioning indicates the necessity of a residential environment “adaptive” planning in accordance with the population’s real demands.
目前，大城市的主要居住環(huán)境問題表現(xiàn)為某些功能不便、心理和生態(tài)不適：住宅區(qū)的復(fù)雜使用、交通工具移動和停車的復(fù)雜性、視覺攻擊性和環(huán)境污染，在沒有社會交往的情況下。在這方面，當(dāng)每個人都有創(chuàng)造、自我實(shí)現(xiàn)和保護(hù)的權(quán)利時，微型區(qū)必須被視為一個不斷發(fā)展和完善的“活生物體”。早期建成的微型區(qū)的運(yùn)行經(jīng)驗(yàn)表明，有必要根據(jù)人口的實(shí)際需求進(jìn)行居住環(huán)境“適應(yīng)性”規(guī)劃。
Generalized conception of a “humane” micro-district of the end of the ХХ – beginning of the ХХI century must be based upon the revision of the relations between spatial-and-functional and social-and-economic aspects. Multi-functional residential territories development, shaping the interaction between people belonging to different circles in order to achieve efficient development, residential environment individualization, ensuring social and physical accessibility, pedestrian friendly areas formation, formation of informal communities of the citizens, aspiration for ecological stability and historical-and-cultural heritage preservation become vital.
在本世紀(jì)末至本世紀(jì)初，“人文”微型區(qū)的廣義概念必須基于空間和功能以及社會和經(jīng)濟(jì)方面之間關(guān)系的修正。多功能住宅區(qū)開發(fā)，塑造不同圈子的人之間的互動，以實(shí)現(xiàn)高效發(fā)展，住宅環(huán)境個性化，確保社會和物理可達(dá)性，形成步行友好區(qū)，形成公民非正式社區(qū)，對生態(tài)穩(wěn)定和歷史文化遺產(chǎn)保護(hù)的渴望變得至關(guān)重要。
